Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s passing at the age of 87 marks the end of an era but his legacy as a pioneering thinker, writer and activist continues to resonate deeply across Africa and the wider world. His life was a testament to the transformative power of language and culture as tools of resistance against colonial and neocolonial forces that have sought to suppress and erase indigenous identities. Ngugi’s unwavering commitment to writing in his native Gikuyu despite the personal risks and political repression embodied a bold stance against cultural imperialism, asserting that true liberation begins with reclaiming one’s language and stories.

His decision to abandon English, the language of colonial rule, was not merely a stylistic shift but a revolutionary act that challenged the very foundations of colonial power. It was a declaration that authentic voices could only emerge when rooted in indigenous languages and cultural contexts. Ngugi’s imprisonment in 1977 for writing in Gikuyu starkly illuminated the ongoing struggle to preserve and promote indigenous languages in the face of state censorship and cultural domination. His experience underscored a vital truth: that decolonization is not only political but also cultural and linguistic. Without the freedom to speak and write in one’s own tongue, true self-determination remains elusive.

Ngugi’s critique of neocolonialism is equally significant. He argued that the independence gained in many African nations did not equate to genuine liberation as new elites often continued to operate within colonial frameworks, adopting colonial technologies, discourses and systems of control. This insight anticipated what many scholars and activists now refer to as “neocolonialism,” where economic, political and cultural influences perpetuate colonial hierarchies long after formal independence. Ngugi’s analysis remains highly relevant today, as many postcolonial states grapple with ongoing imperialist influence, economic dependency, and cultural hegemony.

His intellectual partnership with Edward Said further highlighted the centrality of language and storytelling in resisting colonial domination. Both thinkers emphasized that colonialism is an ongoing violence; one that manifests not only through physical force but also through the silencing and marginalization of indigenous voices. Ngugi’s call for writers to “write dangerously” to challenge oppressive structures through fearless storytelling remains a powerful imperative for activists, scholars and artists committed to social justice and cultural revival.

In the broader context, Ngugi’s work challenges us to reconsider the very meaning of liberation. It is not enough to achieve political independence if the cultures, languages and histories of colonized peoples continue to be suppressed or marginalized. True decolonization, he argued, requires a conscious effort to decolonize minds and speech; an ongoing process of reclaiming and celebrating indigenous identities, histories and languages.

As we mourn his passing, it is also essential to reflect on the lessons Ngugi leaves behind. His life was a profound reminder that storytelling and language are powerful acts of resistance, tools to disrupt the narratives of domination and to forge new paths toward justice. His example urges us to resist complacency, to challenge the lingering effects of colonialism and to continue advocating for the voices that remain unheard or silenced.

In an era where cultural erasure and imperialist influence persist in subtle and overt ways, Ngugi’s legacy is a rallying cry. It calls on us to push for a world where indigenous languages and stories are valued and celebrated where the fight for cultural sovereignty is ongoing and where the power of words is harnessed to build a more equitable and self-determined future. His life’s work reminds us that liberation is an ongoing journey, one that begins with the courage to speak from the heart, to write dangerously and to never relinquish the right to define our own stories.

The outlook for Donald Trump’s second term as president is shaping up to be unprecedented in modern political history, reflecting his unique character, style and approach to governance. Having learned from his previous four years in office, Trump appears poised to implement a rapid and sweeping series of executive actions signaling his intent to fulfill campaign promises particularly in areas like immigration, energy policy, trade and education.

In the run-up to Inauguration Day, Trump’s strategy as discussed with a senior advisor, involved a clear show of authority from day one. This time he is expected to sign up to 100 executive orders, in stark contrast to his first term when only one order was signed on the inauguration day. Such a flurry could serve to demonstrate his commitment to change and to assert his power immediately.

Key areas for executive action include a substantial overhaul of immigration policies with Trump pledging the largest deportation initiative in U.S. history targeting undocumented migrants who number in the millions. His proposal includes controversial tactics such as potentially using military forces for enforcement.

In energy policy, expect Trump to reverse restrictions placed by Joe Biden, including lifting limits on offshore drilling, undoing vehicle emission regulations and withdrawing from international climate agreements. His administration is expected to focus on “energy dominance” as a top priority leveraging natural resource extraction as a core theme.

Trade policies may see a return to Trump’s earlier aggressive stances with discussions of imposing 25% tariffs on imports from Canada and Mexico, creating potential ripples through global supply chains. His track record suggests these tariffs could have both domestic and international ramifications raising concerns about the impact on consumer prices.

Education will also come under scrutiny with Trump signaling intentions to cut federal funding to institutions that promote certain ideological content specifically those related to critical race theory and transgender issues. This shift could reframe discussions on educational equity and rights for students.

On the international front, Trump desires swift resolutions to conflicts notably in Ukraine though the effectiveness and implications of such policies raise questions about their broader impact on global diplomacy.

Amid these sweeping proposals, it’s crucial to gauge whether Trump’s actions will align with his rhetoric. Many voters support his bold promises but may remain skeptical about his ability—or willingness—to fully realize those plans. The upcoming months will serve as a crucial barometer, revealing not only the pace of change but also the political landscape’s response to Trump’s leadership style and priorities.

Ultimately, the unfolding events of Trump’s second term promise to be deeply consequential shaping not just domestic policy but also the United States’ role on the global stage. As his administration embarks on this ambitious course, the interplay between bold rhetoric and tangible action will be pivotal in defining his legacy and the nation’s future.

On October 1,1990 over 10,000 National Resistance Army troops invaded the northern part of Rwanda with intentions to oust the then President of the country, Pasteur Bizimungu. and force their return into their country of origin.

This invasion was commanded by Maj.Gen. Fred Gisa Rwigyema. He and his soldiers attacked Rwanda through the border points at both Byumba and Naguma .Sadly on the second day of the invasion, Rwigyema died under mysterious circumstances. Today, October 2,2024,marks 34 years since his fall.

Those who fought alongside him and those he led all refer to him as “god of war” because of his special attributes at the frontlines but who was Rwigyema?

Fred Gisa Rwigema, born Emmanuel Gisa on April 10, 1957, was a prominent Rwandan military officer and the revolutionary founder of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). This political and rebel group was established by Rwandan Tutsi exiles, descendants of those displaced during the 1959 Hutu Revolution.

Born in Gitarama, Rwanda, Rwigema’s family fled to Uganda in 1960 settling in a refugee camp in Nshungerezi after the Rwandan Revolution. After completing high school in 1976, he joined the Front for National Salvation (FRONASA) in Tanzania. This was a rebel group led by Yoweri Museveni and adopted the name Fred Rwigyema. He later fought with FRELIMO rebels in Mozambique against Portuguese colonial rule.

In 1979, he joined the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) and participated in the overthrow of Idi Amin. Rwigyema then joined Museveni’s National Resistance Army (NRA), engaging in the Ugandan Bush War against Milton Obote’s government where he fought alongside future RPF leaders, including Paul Kagame.

After the NRA took power in 1986, Rwigyema became Deputy Minister of Defence, actively participating in military operations against residual forces of the ousted regime. By 1985, he had risen to a significant military leader being commissioned as a Major General alongside Museveni. Known as “Mungu wa vita” (“god of war”), he gained respect for his leadership and integrity in counterinsurgency operations in northern Uganda.

On October 1, 1990, Rwigema led a splinter group of 10,000 NRA troops in an invasion of northern Rwanda, initiating the Rwandan Civil War. He was shot and killed on the second day of the conflict under disputed circumstances; official accounts stated it was a stray bullet while some historians suggest he was killed by a subordinate during a tactical disagreement. His death was kept secret for a month to maintain morale among troops.

Rwigyema is regarded as a national hero in Rwanda and is buried at the Heroes Cemetery in Kigali.

The U.S. presidential race is proving to be highly competitive, with polls indicating a tight contest just two days before the first and potentially only televised debate between Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump. Recent surveys show that Trump commands unwavering support from roughly half of voters, despite his status as a convicted criminal and his role in the effort to overturn the 2020 election results.

Harris, who entered the race after President Biden dropped out in July, has quickly evolved from a largely overlooked vice president to a credible challenger. However, current polling suggests she has yet to achieve a significant breakthrough, resulting in a neck-and-neck race. A Siena College poll indicates Trump leads Harris nationally by a narrow margin of 48 to 47 percent, well within the margin of error.

U.S. presidential elections rely on state-by-state outcomes rather than the national popular vote, making key swing states crucial. The polling suggests that Harris holds a slight advantage in Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania, while being tied in several other pivotal states, including Nevada, Georgia, North Carolina, and Arizona. A YouGov poll also shows Harris ahead by one percentage point in Michigan and Wisconsin, and tied in Pennsylvania.

The electoral landscape remains chaotic, with Biden, at 81 years old, having exited the race amid age-related concerns, and Trump narrowly surviving an assassination attempt at a rally. There are also persistent fears regarding Trump’s potential refusal to concede if he loses in November.

Despite the tumult, both candidates appear to have solidified loyal bases, resulting in a nearly even split among voters. Trump will be under pressure to moderate his typically aggressive style in the presence of Harris, who is vying to become the first female president of the United States.

Harris aims at delivering an optimistic, forward-looking message that contrasts sharply with Trump’s dire warnings about the future of the country without his leadership. Nonetheless, she has faced criticism for her focus on unity and optimism at the expense of concrete policies. In response to these critiques, her campaign released a policy platform addressing issues such as unions, cost-of-living concerns, and healthcare.

Navigating the debate will be a challenge for Harris, as Trump is known for making false statements and provoking his opponents. Biden struggled in his only debate against Trump, illustrating the difficulty Harris may face.

Trump has also subjected Harris to racist and sexist taunts, mispronouncing her name and labeling her as “crazy” and a “Marxist.” Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg noted the extraordinary focus and discipline required for Harris to engage effectively in a debate with Trump.

After the debate, the Harris campaign plans to visit battleground states, starting in North Carolina and then heading to Pennsylvania. Meanwhile, Trump continues to rally his mostly white, working-class base, delivering dark speeches that frame Democrats as a “rogue regime.” On his social media platform, he has threatened to impose harsh prison sentences on anyone he accuses of intending to “cheat” in the upcoming election.

A battle is ensuing in Uganda related to legislation as Uganda’s leading opposition party the National Unity Platform (NUP) faces challenges over opposition leadership in Parliament. Richard Lumu, the Mityana South Member of Parliament and a member of the Democratic Party (DP) has introduced a private member’s bill: The Administration of Parliament (Amendment) Bill, 2024. The bill aims at making the Leader of the Opposition (LOP) and Opposition Chief Whip elected positions instead of being appointed by the largest opposition party, typically the NUP.

Lumu’s bill seeks to amend Section 8 of the Administration of Parliament Act to allow all opposition MPs to elect the LOP, thereby enabling smaller parties like the DP to have a say in the selection process. The bill also proposes that the Chief Opposition Whip should be elected by opposition MPs.

In defence of his proposal, Lumu stated, “Election is the epitome of democracy. We elect the Speaker of Parliament and the President; there’s no reason why we shouldn’t elect our own Leader of the Opposition.” He criticized the current appointment process, claiming the Democratic Party and other parties in the opposition were not consulted when Joel Ssenyonyi was named the LOP.

Support for the bill came from NUP MP Micheal Mbwatekamwa Kakembo of Entebbe Municipality who argued that an elected LOP would better unify opposition members. However, some MPs, including Okin Ojara and Denis Oneka Lit both of the Forum for Democratic Change, opposed the motion, warning it could disrupt Parliament’s structure and questioning its introduction during a regional sitting aimed at issues of Northern Region.

Despite objections, Speaker Anita Among supported Lumu’s motion, affirming its regular parliamentary procedure. The LOP plays a crucial role in appointing the shadow Cabinet, presenting an alternative budget, and serving on the Parliamentary Commission.